Germany’s Merz ventures into Trump’s lion’s den

 


Oval Office meetings are rarely without risk—but this one, between two wealthy, golf-loving politicians with hardline views on immigration, could turn into a political minefield or an unexpected alliance. German Chancellor Friedrich Merz is set to meet U.S. President Donald Trump on Thursday, and he’ll need to tread carefully. Past visitors like Ukraine’s and South Africa’s leaders have learned how quickly these encounters can go off-script.

Trump’s disdain for “bad, very bad” Germans is well known, and Merz is likely to be pressed—under the bright lights of television cameras—about his February election-night remarks, in which he said Europe should “achieve independence from the USA” and called Trump’s administration “largely indifferent to the fate of Europe.”

Merz must also avoid stumbling into controversy on several sensitive topics: Germany’s automotive exports, its contributions to NATO and Ukraine, and perhaps most delicately, the Trump administration’s overtures toward the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD), now the country’s second-largest party.

Still, there are early indications that Merz and Trump might find common ground. The new German chancellor is openly pro-American and has promised to shift German policy in ways that may appeal to Trump—including a dramatic increase in defense spending and stricter immigration controls. The visit also coincides with European efforts to ease tensions in the transatlantic trade dispute by offering a deal on car regulations.

Adding to the optimism, Trump has extended Merz the rare courtesy of staying at Blair House, the official White House guest residence. German officials see this as a sign that Merz may not be walking into an ambush.

A senior White House official, speaking anonymously, downplayed any expectations of fireworks. “It’s just another foreign leader visit,” the official said.

Merz and Trump have already spoken several times by phone, and the German leader has invited Trump to visit his grandfather’s hometown in Germany. Merz seemed pleased with their rapport. “The first call went well,” he said. “We found we have some acquaintances in common. I congratulated him on the American pope and we talked about Chicago—because that’s where the pope is from. I’ve been there a lot professionally.” Mimicking Trump’s voice, Merz added: “‘Oh, you know Chicago? Great city! Really great city.’ That was the tone.”

That early chemistry encouraged Merz’s spokesman, Stefan Kornelius, who expressed hope the good personal dynamic would carry into Thursday’s meeting. Still, Kornelius hinted at lingering caution: “The dynamics in the White House are, shall we say, fluid.”

Berlin knows how quickly things can go sideways. Trump once used a visit by South Africa’s president to make unsubstantiated claims of “genocide” against white farmers. In another instance, he and Vice President JD Vance publicly disparaged Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy during a time of war.

Vance’s remarks at February’s Munich Security Conference—days before Merz’s party won a surprise election—set the tone. He accused European leaders of caving to public pressure and criticized Germany’s refusal to cooperate with the AfD. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio joined the chorus, accusing German intelligence of practicing “tyranny in disguise” for designating the AfD as extremist.

Vance’s comments stunned Merz, who used his election-night address to question NATO’s future and advocate for Germany’s inclusion in a French-British nuclear shield.

Despite that rocky beginning, Berlin-Washington ties have since improved.

Merz’s government is actively courting Trump. After years of being lambasted by Trump for low military spending and threats to pull 12,000 U.S. troops from Germany, Merz has vowed to make the country Europe’s top conventional military power. His administration is even discussing a dramatic leap toward spending 5 percent of GDP on defense—up from just over 2 percent.

He’s also walked back his earlier calls for “independence” from the U.S. During a recent visit to NATO headquarters in Brussels, Merz said the Trump administration’s approach to Europe had “clearly changed” in response to Europe’s defense efforts, adding that he now feels “more optimistic” about NATO’s future. “The United States is indispensable to Europe’s security now and for the foreseeable future,” he concluded.

Washington appears to be listening. At a recent defense summit in Singapore, U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth cited Germany as a model for other countries, joking: “Hard to believe I’m saying this.”

And on the AfD issue, Merz may take some comfort in knowing that Elon Musk—the most vocal administration supporter of the party—is no longer part of the government.

While Trump’s team has relatively little at stake, for Merz, the Oval Office meeting could be pivotal. The future of European defense, unity on Ukraine, and a resolution to the EU-U.S. trade clash may all hinge on how well he and Trump connect.

Germany is arriving with trade incentives. Brussels is proposing to loosen its strict rules on autonomous vehicles to defuse the tariff tensions, according to a source familiar with the talks.

But Merz’s inner circle doesn’t expect technical details to make or break the meeting. As conservative foreign policy expert Jürgen Hardt put it: “He’ll bring only a few notes—if any—and rely on his instinct for finding the right tone.”

Merz himself is under no illusions. “Anyone who’s seen Trump on TV knows how these conversations can go.”

 

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